Are there any plans in the pipeline which would see a change in the consociationalist coalition towards a government and official opposition system within the Northern Ireland Assembly?

The system of government used in Northern Ireland was established in the Northern Ireland Act 1998, signed by both the UK and Irish Governments.
For further information about the Belfast (Good Friday) Agreement (PDF) which preceeded the Northern Ireland Act and the 2006 St Andrews Agreement (PDF), please contact the Northern Ireland Office, www.nio.gov.uk

What are your views on this subject?

It seems that there is no accountability and if a member fails to attend there is no record or consequence.

On 22nd June there was a vote on the Wildlife and Natural Environment Bill but only 41 of a possible 108 MLAs were in attendance.  How can a vote be held with fewer than half of the members present?

Why is the Northern Ireland  ‘Local’ Assembly debating the current situation/crisis in the Middle East?
I cannot see the relevance of our elected Local Assembly Members wasting public money and time to discuss something that does not have a bearing on the people of Northern Ireland.
Our Assembly finds it hard enough to agree upon and debate important issues that have a bearing on our lives, e.g education, but can organised a debate on something occurring half a world away.
Once again our MLAs have shown they have lost the plot in terms of what the electorate of NI needs.

For those who may not be aware, the Assembly held a special sitting on Friday 4th of June to discuss the following motion:

That this Assembly, conscious of the presence of Nobel laureate Mairead Corrigan Maguire on board the MV Rachel Corrie, calls on Israel to conform with international human rights norms and joins with the British and Irish Governments in condemning the disproportionate actions by Israel earlier this week; recognises that every nation has the right to defend itself but that each nation also has a responsibility to respect and comply with international law; and further calls on Israel to ensure that humanitarian efforts in Gaza are facilitated, that an immediate end to the blockade is effected and that the MV Rachel Corrie is given safe passage to Gaza.

You can find the Official Report of the discussion on this webpage.

MLAs, as elected representatives of the people of Northern Ireland, debate many issues of concern. The situation in Gaza is of great interest and it is not unusual that MLAs should debate this issue and add their views to the views of others from across the world.

We publish a list (updated weekly) of proposed motions for debate, which are called No Day Named Motions.  A no day named motion is the term given to a motion for which no date has been fixed for debate and are published on this page http://www.niassembly.gov.uk/io/noday.htm.

If the Draft Public Assemblies, Parades and Protests Bill (Consultation Document) is passed it will mean the introduction of one of the most draconian pieces of legislation in NI in decades.
The draft legislation published by the First and Deputy First Ministers on April 20th, ostensibly to deal with the issue of contentious marches, will encompass all public meetings, demonstrations and protests involving trade unions, political activists, community organisations and various campaign groups.

Under the new legislation, ALL gatherings involving 50 or more persons and which take place in a “public space” will be required to give 37 days prior notification of their intention to hold such a gathering.

In the Explanatory Guide to the Draft Public Assemblies, Parades and Protests Bill, the all encompassing nature of the new laws is illustrated by way of an example which states that “if a group wanted to protest against the closure of a local sports facility….the group’s activity would fall under the definition of a public meeting and would therefore be subject to the notification procedures for a public assembly.”

The term ‘public space’ is defined in the legislation as meaning “any road or footway or any other place, apart from a building, to which the public or a section of the public has access”. Such a wide-reaching definition will include the grounds of both government and council buildings, or the grounds and entrances to factories, workplaces and public service establishments, such as schools and hospitals. Trade union demonstrations outside workplaces which involve more than 50 workers will therefore come under the new law’s remit.

This legislation will impact upon and restrict the ability of trade unions and others to mobilise demonstrations in support of workers. A case in point to illustrate this is the stance taken last year by trade unions, community groups and political parties of the left in mobilising rallies at very short notice in support of the workforce at the Visteon plant in Belfast.

Under the proposals set out in the legislation, 37-days advance notification must be given for such rallies and the organisers would also have to specify which trade unions or community groups would also be taking part. Failure to do so could result in jail terms of up to six months for the organisers and any participants.

The new legislation will severely restrict the ability of trades unionists, political activists, community and campaign groups to organise effective and spontaneous public demonstrations to highlight issues which often require a speedy and immediate public response at very short notice. Protest meetings such as those against the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, solidarity vigils held to support the victims of racist attacks, or demonstrations such as those outside the BBC in relation to airtime being given to the BNP will all fall under the remit of the new law.

How can people within this Assembly support such a policy?

What is your view*?

*Comments submitted to this website (yourassembly.com) will not be included in the consultation. You can respond directly to the consultation via the nidirect website.

Willie Clarke: The most useful mechanism is the Committee structure, which will scrutinise the Department and the Minister.
Roy Beggs: Go to your local MLAs who have a responsibility to you and to the statutory committees of the Assembly.
Declan O’Loan: These are the areas that local politicians do make a difference. Don’t forget about the Parties themselves.
Alastair Ross: The Committee structure is very powerful. MLAs rely on those who are prepared to lobby on behalf of a particular interest.
Sean Neeson: Lobbying can be a very powerful movement.

Alastair Ross: I would support this. Someone who persistently misses hospital appointments should be fined.
Willie Clarke: There are many underlying factors which could mean someone misses appointments and this shouldn’t be brought in.
Roy Beggs: The Health Service can improve its appointments system which could mean that appointments are not missed.
Sean Neeson: Nobody knows the reason why people miss appointments.
Declan O’Loan: This is a potential minefield.

How would you fight the growing level of anti-social behaviour in Carrickfergus without a police force in the town?
Sean Neeson: In order to create a peaceful society you need police resources.
Alastair Ross: He meets with members of the Youth Council who tell him there is a growing gang culture.
Roy Beggs: Suspects this is a widespread problem and not just local to Carrickfergus. Parents have a responsibility to know where their children are and what they are doing.
Declan O’Loan: Anti social behaviour is worse now than what it was and it’s not helped by the police service not being able to get officers onto the street efficiently. There is also a shift in policing towards the suspected dissident threat which consumes limited resources.
Willie Clarke: We need to devote more resources to youth outreach projects and develop a multi agency approach to tackling these issues.

A review of a policy decision in Northern Ireland is subject to an equality impact assessment.

Roy Beggs: Those who have been actively engaged in terrorism should not now be in charge of policing and justice.